The Transformation of Roldán Álvarez Ayala: From “Social Activist” and Congressman to CJNG Leader

Before Roldán Álvarez Ayala became known nationwide as a leader of *Los Erres*—the armed wing of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel—he was known in Michoacán simply as “El Maestro” (The Teacher), despite never having taught a class. It was the early 1990s, and Roldán, then around 25 years old, presented himself as a leftist social activist who lectured others on how to save their neighbors from crime in the Tierra Caliente region. Three decades later, he would be accused of being a top figure in the Mexican mafia—as the brother of a kingpin known as “El R1″—and implicated as an accomplice in the murder of Uruapan Mayor Carlos Manzo.

Bolstered by his image as a champion of the youth, in 1994 he secured a seat in the 56th Legislature as part of the PRD caucus. In his office on the fourth floor of Building B at the Chamber of Deputies, El Maestro hung a picture directly behind his chair to catch the eyes of visitors: it showed Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas—the moral leader of the “Aztec Sun” party—embracing him warmly at a rally from the days when Cárdenas was a presidential candidate. That image provided the crucial endorsement needed to build his façade as a respectable politician.

According to an investigation by MILENIO, Roldán served alongside a historic group of lawmakers; the roster included PRI members Humberto Roque Villanueva and Dulce María Sauri, as well as PAN members Antonio Lozano Gracia and Manuel Espino—the latter now a member of Morena with a long history in the PAN—among others. He himself was part of a PRD parliamentary group characterized by both highs and lows: on one hand, figures like Rosario Ibarra de Piedra and Salvador Martínez della Roca (“El Pino”); on the other, Desiderio Camacho—arrested in 2014 for money laundering and illicit enrichment—and Osbelia Arellano, who was accused in 2021 of collecting kickbacks at the National Migration Institute. Roldán’s seat was located next to that of another native of Michoacán: Leonel Godoy, who would go on to serve as governor of the state from 2008 to 2012. The assassination of the mayor of Uruapan would link the two men 31 years after that legislature began its term, as both are implicated in the crime—accused by Manzo’s widow, Grecia Quiroz, the current mayor and leader of the *Movimiento del Sombrero* (Hat Movement).

“‘El Maestro’ was a terrible congressman. There isn’t a single memorable contribution in the legislative record, nor a single bill that changed the lives of the people of Michoacán,” recalls Gabriel N., a businessman from the Tierra Caliente region. He traveled several times from Tepalcatepec to San Lázaro to seek help from the federal legislator, only to find his office locked. “Back then, deputies’ absences weren’t publicized, but I imagine he racked up every possible one.”

Gabriel N., who spoke to MILENIO on condition of anonymity, believes he knows the reason behind the lack of party commitment shown by “El Maestro”—who even served as vice president of the Chamber’s Board of Directors. Roldán viewed the congressional seat merely as a stepping stone to becoming mayor of his hometown, Apatzingán. That position was reportedly secured through an agreement with the criminal Valencia family to benefit the Milenio Cartel—his true affiliation—and the subsequent breakdown of that alliance would trigger the emergence of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG).

The objective was achieved in 2002, when the Apatzingán native took office as municipal president and appointed Samuel Farías Blanco as City Council Secretary; sources identified Farías Blanco as a relative of Juan José Farías Álvarez—known as “El Abuelo”—a former boss in the Milenio Cartel and current leader of the criminal group Cárteles Unidos, which has been designated a foreign terrorist organization by the United States. That three-year term cemented the alliance between municipal politicians and local organized crime.

After a hiatus from government office, Roldán re-emerged in Michoacán politics: his former legislative colleague Leonel Godoy approved his appointment as general coordinator of the State Water Commission (2008–2011). This was a key position for the production of illegal crops, as the role involved decisions regarding—for instance—the installation of wells, water tanker distribution, and multi-million-peso public works contracts.

The following year, 2012, his brothers Ramón and Rafael were arrested during a military operation in Jalisco. The federal government accused them of operating a CJNG cell under the aliases “R1” and “R2” and of being extremely close associates of Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes, alias “El Mencho.” The family clan came to be known as “Los Erres.”

His secret: accusations of kidnapping and extortion

The platform Narcopolíticos.com uncovered a previously little-known detail—shared with MILENIO—revealing that, that same year, Roldán was implicated in a high-profile crime in Zapopan, Jalisco. A vehicle registered to him—a white Toyota Tacoma pickup truck with Michoacán license plate MY-89072—was used in a kidnapping. On September 19, 2014, the politician filed an *amparo* (a legal injunction) demanding the return of the vehicle and submitted an invoice in his name showing a value of 332,000 pesos. Furthermore, according to additional documents held by Narcopolíticos.com, on February 5, 2015, a judge in Jalisco issued an arrest warrant for Roldán on charges of extortion against construction entrepreneur Jaime G. To avoid arrest, the politician filed another *amparo* (constitutional protection) suit—case number 1791/2015-VI—before a judicial authority favorable to his background: a trial court in Apatzingán, his hometown and political stronghold.

Personal and family scandals didn’t derail Roldán’s political career; he was never sentenced following the initiation of legal proceedings against him. The same year the extortion accusation arose, he registered as a candidate for federal deputy representing the PRD. During that election cycle, the leadership of the “Sun Party” (PRD) nominated agronomist Silvano Aureoles for governor of Michoacán; Aureoles won with over 637,000 votes and is currently wanted for the misappropriation of funds and criminal conspiracy after fleeing the state in a CJNG aircraft, former state prosecutor Carlos Torres told this journalist.

With the PRD in decline and Morena emerging as the dominant party in Michoacán, Roldán switched his allegiance from the party’s yellow colors to Morena’s maroon. His ties to two prominent organized crime figures and the existence of open criminal investigations against him didn’t prevent him from joining the party founded by former President Andrés Manuel López Obrador on March 29, 2023, according to membership registry data published that year by the National Electoral Institute (INE).

He served uneventfully within the ranks of Morena for 949 days, until November 1, 2025, when Carlos Manzo—a mayor known for his aggressive stance against organized crime—was assassinated in Uruapan during Day of the Dead celebrations. Federal investigations quickly turned toward “Los Erres,” their alliance with the CJNG, and the protection they allegedly received from local politicians. These politicians viewed with displeasure and concern the rise of an independent figure like Manzo, who promised to bring his “iron-fist” approach to the Michoacán state government in 2027.

Morena quietly expelled Roldán from its ranks days after the assassination, as news of his alleged ties to organized crime began to spread. However, the secret held for only eight months. On July 30, his brother Ramón—known as “El R1″—was arrested in Atotonilco el Alto, Jalisco, during another military operation targeting the group; Secretary of Citizen Security Omar García Harfuch identified him as the alleged mastermind behind Carlos Manzo’s murder, with dozens of “Los Erres” members named as the actual perpetrators.

Less than 48 hours later, Morena’s National Executive Committee, led by Ariadna Montiel, issued a statement: while “R1” never officially joined the ruling party, Roldán did hold a party membership card. The file detailing the grounds for the former mayor’s expulsion wasn’t made public, nor were the reasons for his initial admission and subsequent removal from the party rolls.

“Roldán’s story is one that repeats itself across Michoacán and the entire country: the marriage of politics and crime. And no matter how well-known the illicit connections of local politicians become, they continue to rise. There are hundreds like him,” noted Gabriel N., who was forced to flee Michoacán after a verbal confrontation with “Los Erres.” MILENIO learned from sources within the security cabinet that Roldán Álvarez Ayala is currently under investigation as the leader of Los Erres and is implicated in inquiries regarding the murder of Carlos Manzo. It is a saga that traces the transformation of a “social activist” known as “Maestro” into the alleged leader of a bloodthirsty armed wing.

Source: Milenio