It is no secret that organized crime controls fruit and vegetable production in the country. Leading producers and ranchers have fought to prevent their work, their land, and their entire legacy from being consumed by a group that arrives at gunpoint to strip them of their assets.
Unfortunately, today this appears to be a battle that is difficult to win. Mexican products are now reaching foreign markets bearing the “narco” stamp. The media outlet *El Universal* has revealed concerning information.
Avocado exports from Michoacán to China appear to be linked to two individuals with histories in criminal organizations. One is José de Jesús Méndez Vargas—alias “El Chango”—the founder and former leader of La Familia Michoacana.
The other individual is reportedly Manuel Fernández Valencia—alias “La Puerca”—identified as a former operative for that group who was later linked to the Sinaloa Cartel. According to intelligence cited by *El Universal*, both men own more than 50 avocado orchards across the municipalities of Uruapan, Tancítaro, Salvador Escalante, Tacámbaro, and Ario de Rosales—areas considered top producers of the so-called “green gold” in the state of Michoacán.
Records consulted by the newspaper indicate that the properties are registered with the Secretariat of Agriculture and Rural Development and have been authorized to sell their produce in international markets since February 2020.
This information is significant because “El Chango” was considered a high-priority target for authorities during the six-year term of President Felipe Calderón. After his arrest, he was extradited to the United States just last year.
Meanwhile, “La Puerca” reportedly moved from the ranks of *La Familia Michoacana* to the Sinaloa Cartel, where he allegedly joined the inner circle of Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán’s sons.
According to El Universal’s investigation, the orchard records were cross-referenced with databases from the National Service for Agri-Food Health, Safety, and Quality. They list properties attributed to both individuals among the official roster of avocado orchards registered for direct export to China.
Consequently, tons of avocados grown in some of Michoacán’s key agricultural regions would be destined for the Chinese market, sourced from orchards that—despite the owners’ backgrounds—operate formally within the export framework.
This case, of course, once again places under scrutiny the infiltration of capital—allegedly linked to drug trafficking—into productive activities and foreign trade, particularly within the avocado industry. But how do they come to control what was once built through the sweat of the producers?
Organized crime seized territory through threats, violence, and, naturally, extortion. This chain of extortion affects the entire avocado sector—from the producer and the packer to the transporter. Indeed, people across the country are living in fear.
The same applies to producers of corn, avocados, limes, and guavas. They face extortion, intimidation, and even murder. This social decay, which has plagued the country for roughly 25 years, is worsening by the day; yet, we see no decisive action to put a stop to it or to ensure respect for hardworking people.
We are facing a national crisis; the problems plaguing many regions of the country must not be downplayed. The struggles of some have been cut short by a bullet and a passive government. Michoacán has become a prime example of the lack of governance affecting much of the nation.
A case in point is the recent murder of Bernardo Bravo, a lime industry leader in the municipality of Apatzingán. This incident once again exposed the complex web of extortion and violence that has kept agricultural producers in the so-called Tierra Caliente region under siege for over a decade.
His death is seen as a clear message from criminal groups to anyone who speaks out in pursuit of justice and dignified work. Drug trafficking destroys the lives of those who raise their voices on behalf of farmers and producers.
And the primary issue is our disagreement with the prices paid for limes—whether at the packing plant or the processing facility. These prices make absolutely no sense and offer no logical way to sustain our day laborers and workforce.
Sources: La Saga, Cartel Insider Archives
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