Since 2020, the CJNG has imposed monthly fees ranging from 50 to 20,000 pesos for transporting shipments of goods—such as coffee, clothing, or livestock—across the border at Frontera Comalapa; it has displaced families and is contesting key routes against the Sinaloa Cartel along the southern frontier.
The clandestine corridor between Frontera Comalapa and Guatemala has become a pivotal route for the collection of extortion fees and the trafficking of goods, migrants, and weapons, set against the backdrop of the ongoing turf war between the CJNG and the Sinaloa Cartel for control of the southern border region.
Since 2020, the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) has consolidated a strategic corridor along the border between Chiapas and Guatemala, where it has imposed fees ranging from 50 pesos to over 20,000 pesos for every shipment that crosses. This control encompasses entire communities, the operation of armed checkpoints, the collection of “protection fees” (derecho de piso), and open conflicts with the Sinaloa Cartel.
This information is derived from security reports and investigative journalism published by *EL UNIVERSAL*, which has documented the operations of the CJNG—and its affiliate, the Chiapas and Guatemala Cartel (CCyG)—in the southern part of the country. The findings also incorporate public testimonies, such as that of the former mayor of Frontera Comalapa, which was released via video following his kidnapping.
Below, you will find the full context: how this criminal control was established, which routes currently fall under cartel dominion, the fees charged for transporting goods, and the tangible impact this situation has had on the local population.
Where does the CJNG operate along the border with Guatemala?
The central hub is the clandestine crossing point between Santa Teresa Llano Grande (Mexico) and Guailá (Guatemala), located in the municipality of Frontera Comalapa, Chiapas.
It consists of a corridor approximately 5.5 kilometers long that connects five communities:
El Jocote
El Sabinalito
20 de Mayo
Santa Teresa Llano Grande
Neighboring communities leading toward the municipal seat
From there, their control expanded to encompass more than 300 communities within Frontera Comalapa and various points in the Sierra Madre region, extending all the way to the border with Oaxaca.
According to reports, this territory was wrested from the Sinaloa Cartel amidst the latter’s internal power struggles.
What is transported along this route?
Between 1,000 and 1,500 vehicles—including private cars, trucks, and semi-trailers—cross this strip daily.
The cargo shipments include:
Corn
Coffee
Cement
Automotive parts
New motorcycles
Cattle and swine
Used clothing
Weapons
Drugs
Migrants
This corridor serves more than just commercial purposes; it is also strategically vital for illicit trafficking and the movement of armed groups.
How much does the CJNG charge for passage?
The fees vary depending on the type of merchandise and the size of the shipment.
According to reports:
Groceries and used clothing: between 50 and 500 pesos per crossing
Formal merchants (monthly protection fees): 20,000 pesos
Small-scale transporters, hair salons, and eateries: a mandatory fee of around 1,000 pesos
Trucks carrying new motorcycles or automotive parts: over 20,000 pesos per unit
These payments were mandatory. Refusal resulted in threats, roadblocks, or reprisals.
Testimony from the Kidnapped Former Mayor
On December 14, 2023, Irán Mérida Matamoros—a former mayor affiliated with the PRI party (2008–2010)—was kidnapped.
In April 2024, a video recorded by his captors was circulated, in which he stated:
“We live in constant anxiety, in fear. The man who runs the cartel is Don Bladimir López Orantes—along with Antonio [Martínez]; they are the ones who collect protection fees from all the merchants. They demand a payment of 20,000 pesos and force all taxi drivers, transporters, and market vendors to go out and set up roadblocks whenever the Army attempts to enter.”
Following the release of that recording, no further public information regarding his situation has surfaced.
The video confirmed the extent of the territorial and social control exercised by the group.
Social Control and Mandatory Roadblocks
Reports indicate that the CJNG, the CCyG, and their armed wing—known as “Maiz” (Mano Izquierda, or “Left Hand”)—:
Controlled the municipal police force during the 2022–2024 administration
Established permanent checkpoints to verify identification
Interrogated travelers regarding their origins and destinations
Forced merchants and transporters to participate in roadblocks aimed at preventing the Army’s entry
Furthermore, construction firms linked to alleged operatives of the group carried out public works projects, such as road paving, sports courts, and covered structures.
Residents of Frontera Comalapa and communities in the highlands fled out of fear. It was reported that even transporting bread from Comitán was prohibited without authorization.
On November 16, 2023, 10 Guatemalans who were selling poultry in the mountains went missing. The last time their families heard from them was when they reported that they were traveling between Frontera Comalapa and Siltepec.
A resident of Cuilco, Huehuetenango, stated on condition of anonymity:
“Trucks full of migrants used to pass through here every night.”
With the surge in violence, several clandestine human trafficking routes were temporarily shut down.
A Historically Strategic Route
This border strip has been a key area for decades:
Between 1999 and 2002, Mexican gasoline entered Guatemala due to price differentials.
In 2017, the reverse phenomenon occurred: Guatemalan fuel flowed into Mexico.
In 2008, Los Zetas used this route to expand into Guatemala, according to researcher Julie López.
The area has historically been coveted by criminal groups for its logistical value.
Clashes with the Sinaloa Cartel
From these communities, armed convoys would enter to confront rival cells in:
Amatenango de la Frontera
Motozintla
La Concordia
Jaltenango
Chicomuselo
Bella Vista
La Grandeza
Siltepec
La Trinitaria
Both groups set up barricades, trenches, and checkpoints along the Pan-American Highway.
Following recent arrests, has the group been weakened? On September 30, Roger Irabier Roblero López—alias “El Peque”—was arrested in La Democracia, Guatemala; he has been identified as an operational commander in Frontera Comalapa.
Within the CCyG organizational structure, he ranked below:
Baldemar Calderón Carrillo, “Tío Balde” (killed in June)
Juan Manuel Valdovinos Mendoza, “El Señor de los Caballos”
Bladimir López Orantes
Antonio Martínez
Following the change of government in Chiapas, federal and state forces carried out arrests of alleged collaborators.
However, reports indicate that the organization remains active, albeit undergoing internal restructuring.
Allegations Against the FRIP
An investigation by *EL UNIVERSAL* revealed that the Pakal Immediate Reaction Force (FRIP)—created in 2024—appears in documents linked to an alleged “narco-payroll” attributed to Nemesio Rubén Oseguera Cervantes, alias “El Mencho.”
According to the report, between November 3 and 9 of last year, the police unit allegedly received 100,000 pesos.
The same document indicates that the CJNG’s operations in southern Chiapas carry a cost of nearly 2 million pesos per week, amidst the ongoing dispute over drug, arms, and migrant trafficking routes.
What does this mean for the southern border? The Chiapas–Guatemala border is a key zone for:
Formal and informal trade
Migration
Illicit trafficking
Regional mobility
Territorial control entails systematic extortion, social pressure, forced displacement, and armed confrontations.
Although arrests and killings have been reported, the criminal structure hasn’t been completely dismantled.
Source: El Imparcial
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